The Scent of Green Bananas today mentioned a foodblog I didn’t know: She Who Eats. Go there and check it out. The food photography is almost as luscious as tsogb’s. Some samples:
If this keeps up I may have to create a new category in my blogroll.

bear – ing n 1 the manner in which one comports oneself; 2 the act, power, or time of bringing forth offspring or fruit; 3 a machine part in which another part turns [a journal ~]; 4 pl comprehension of one’s position, environment, or situation; 5 the act of moving while supporting the weight of something [the ~ of the cross].
The Scent of Green Bananas today mentioned a foodblog I didn’t know: She Who Eats. Go there and check it out. The food photography is almost as luscious as tsogb’s. Some samples:
If this keeps up I may have to create a new category in my blogroll.
An important post at Mirror of Justice: What would be the aftermath if Roe v. Wade were overturned?
First, the removal of Roe v. Wade would remove the misguided but nonetheless persistent and widely-accepted argument that nearly-unrestricted access to abortion must be a good thing because it is, after all, a constitutional right….
Second, and related to the first, after an initial period of confusion and probably heightened public distress (more on this below), the presumptions in the argument about abortion would shift toward those who unselfishly advocate protection of unborn human life….
Third… the current legislative movements toward protection of human life, even indirectly and imperfectly, would stand on firmer ground without Roe...
[Fourth], as a jurisprudential black hole that draws in and deforms everything that comes near its wandering path through spacetime, Roe’s gravitational pull has tended to collapse every nearby area of law into a pro-abortion singularity….constitutional jurisprudence in general will move onto a more healthy path once Roe v. Wade is overruled….
[Fifth], overturning Roe v. Wade would enhance democratic governance, the most fundamental freedom of all. …[because meaningful debate would return to the representative branches of government and to the public sphere, among other things]…
Supporting arguments for these assertions can be found in the post. Sisk also has an important warning for us:
I anticipate that any overturning of Roe v. Wade would be followed explosively by inflammatory rhetoric from “pro-choice” advocates, portraying the result as the death of civil liberties in the United States and the dawn of a moralistic and paternalistic tyranny. Given that support for abortion rights is nearly universal among the cultural elite, especially those who control most of the national news and entertainment media, we should expect a full-throated and extreme reaction that would achieve, for a time, the desired apprehensive response from the general public, with a resultant effect on opinion polling about abortion. During that initial aftermath, a public that understandably is anxious about any significant change in the status quo (that is, a public that is naturally conservative in attitude) would likely be sincerely (if mistakenly) distressed by the judicial removal of a supposed constitutional right.
We’ve seen that the legalization of same-sex unions as "marriages" has mobilized heterosexual marriage advocates to enshrine male-female marriage in state constitutions.
I predict that abortion-access advocates would try to ride the public backlash sentiment that Sisk describes towards a true constitutional enshrinement of the right to abortion — that is, were the specious "right to privacy" struck down, there would be a push for the insertion into the constitution of the words "the right to abortion shall not be infringed."
UPDATE. The post I linked to was carefully crafted and well-argued. This post, on the other hand, relies mainly on sarcasm — reasonably well, I think. H/t Asymmetrical Information.
How do you occupy a toddler while doing schoolwork with an older child? It’s easy if the older child can read or work independently, but a five-year-old needs help focusing — and that’s two children at once.
I liked this scene from yesterday —so much that I took a picture.
Oscar is studying math. Milo, buckled into a high chair, is stacking blocks. (It’s the Montessori "pink tower" in a non-pink version, from here, for those of you who are interested in manipulatives.)
Typically, I put Milo in the high chair when I start Oscar’s schoolwork, and hand him some materials to work with. This keeps him busy enough that I can help Oscar. When Milo starts to throw the blocks, or whatever, I take them away and give him something else — construction paper and scissors, or a pad and pencil, or a puzzle.
I don’t use the confining high chair at meals — Milo usually sits in a regular chair. But he doesn’t mind this one, and it keeps him where I can see him. (Otherwise, I’m bound to find a dozen eggs broken on the kitchen floor ten minutes after Oscar and I start work.) He likes doing "schoolwork" next to his big brother.
Commenter Gordon at the Volokh Conspiracy asked, in a thread about the French riots, how to tell the difference between terrorism and the justifiable use of arms against tyranny. The question would also apply to rioting: how to tell the difference between a deplorable riot and an uprising?
French textbooks promote violence against "American and Israeli tyranny," and say terrorism is the "weapon of the weak."Meanwhile in the U.S. one of the arguments given for the right to bear arms is that they provide a "weapon of the weak" against a possibly tyrannical central government…
Clearly the first message is odious, while the second message is celebrated by many in the U.S. I’m interested in hearing a clear rational argument why this is so – an argument not based upon "I can’t define tyranny, but I know it when I see it."
In modern application, if a government allows religious freedom for everyone, the evidence is strong (although not absolutely dispositive) that the government is not a tyranny, in part because governments which are tolerant of religious freedom are usually tolerant of many other freedoms.Conversely, people who seek a government which will kill all people of a particular race or religion (e.g., Jews) and which will suppress all religions except one particular sect almost certainly is a tyranny.Among the legitimate uses of firearms are self-defense by free governments and free citizens against tyranny and against terrorists who are attempting to impose tyranny.
Oscar (disapprovingly): Why did you buy the strawberry bubble bath?
Mark: Because there was a big man there who threatened to beat me up if I bought grape.
Oscar (wide eyed): What big man was that?
Me: Do you think that really happened, or do you think Daddy is telling a joke?
Oscar: Did that really happen or are you joking me?
Mark: You’ve heard of the Wal-Mart greeter? This was the Wal-Mart Beater.
Oscar: Is Daddy joking me?
It’s worth a read.
As I continued to take the little pill daily for another three years, it became harder and harder to swallow. I grew uneasy with the minuscule chance—be it one in a million of millions—that my womb might turn away a cluster of 128 or 256 cells knitted together in the image of God.
This sense of discomfort never evolved into an absolute dogma: I still wouldn’t say that taking contraceptives is a sin. But I questioned the assumptions I found underneath my pill popping.
What did my daily habit say about my faith in the One who reduced himself first to a cell, then two, then 128, then 256 and more, then to a defenseless baby—and whose door is always open for helpless intruders like me?
H/t Amy Welborn.
An interesting, and occasionally humorous, comments thread at Althouse.
Screw socionormative. I can’t wait to use weenie-wagger!
Cheers, Victoria
This, and "ze/hir," and what the "A" stands for in "BGLTSA," and many other topics.
More discussion on how we wound up with 4 Catholics on the Supreme Court, with one nomination pending, over at Althouse. Is it because the Catholic tradition of natural law and of canon law and of legal thinking has produced a particular kind of legal scholar well-suited for the bench?
Here’s what I found interesting. Ann writes (partly in the post, partly in the comments) that the liberal position ought to be that rights are natural, something that we all have because we’re human, "as real as things like tables." But, she says, this notion "is dying out" among many on the left. Instead, rights are viewed by the left as "political constructs," things that exist only insofar as law enshrines them. Instead, she says, it’s the right who today is insisting that rights are "natural," based on natural law.
Maybe so. I take the natural-rights position myself, that whole "endowed by their creator" thing. You could also call it the human rights position. It does seem, doesn’t it, that it is a classical liberal position, to regard "rights" as something that one deserves always, that no government can take away? (I suppose you could argue that by breaking the social contract, one naturally forfeits certain of those rights.)
I have seen explicit arguments, in print, that people may have no rights that are not granted to them by law. One example that I remember vividly came from an op-ed in the University of Minnesota’s student paper, oh, about five years ago. I remember it because I wrote a letter in response. The op-ed writer was writing about abortion. She wrote that unborn humans have no right to be born, and the proof is simple: the law doesn’t recognize any such right, therefore they don’t have it, and no one can claim that there is such a right.
Normally op-eds supporting abortion rights, common as pennies, aren’t something I bother with. But the proof she offered was new to me. I’d never heard any liberal writer make the argument that merely repealing a law can destroy a human right. I have to admit I found it fascinating. So I wrote a letter asking how it could ever be possible that a government could violate human rights. What’s the point of Amnesty International? If torture is legal in this or that country, well, then, those folks don’t have the right to be free of torture. The Taliban (this was back when they were still around) does not violate the right of women to an education or to freedom of movement — those women just have fewer rights than we do, and thus shouldn’t expect anything better. People in North Korea or China shouldn’t complain about bad laws — where does their government say they’re allowed to? And so on and so on.
My point was that human rights are, by definition, the kind that no government can rightfully take away, no group of people has the authority to remove from any other. There are two ways to justify removing human rights from an individual: (1) to argue that the individual has forfeited that right of his own will (if this is even possible — many would disagree), (2) to argue that the individual is not, in fact, human.
Or you could take the tactic that there is no such thing as a human right. The danger of this position seems pretty obvious to me — if the political construct you cherish can be dismantled, then so someday might the political construct I cherish.
Where’s it come from? Is it just a rejection of the idea of Creator (because what other source of natural rights could there be?) and an elevation of Government to that position? Or is it because the rights-as-political-construct people (whether Left or Right) are aware that their ends require the abrogation of rights that are cherished by other people as natural, and they are confident that they can contain the destruction to only those rights that they are willing to give up themselves?
Anonymous Teacher Person at Scrutinies recently had The Talk (well, one of them) with her four-year-old.
Inspired by the lovely little book, Angel in the Waters, Caspian [not his real name] has been asking all sorts of fun questions about what the baby does inside the mommy and how the baby gets there. Which led to a particularly colorful misunderstanding on my part.
She concludes that she shouldn’t listen to George Carlin anymore. Read it…
Amy Welborn points to Pope Benedict’s encouraging us to pray the scriptures:
I want to mention the spread of the ancient practice of "lectio divina," or spiritual reading, of sacred Scripture. It consists of meditating fully on a biblical text, reading and rereading it, "ruminating it" in a certain sense, as the Fathers write, and squeezing all its "juice" so that it nourishes meditation and contemplation and, like sap, is able to irrigate concrete life.
How do you practice lectio divina? I Googled it and looked around. Here is an introduction. It’s a specific technique of reading and meditation. I’ll sum up:
I’m tempted to come up with a spiffy mnemonic to remember the four parts of the exercise, something like ACTS (adoration, contrition, thanksgiving, supplication) after reception of the Eucharist. "El-moc" doesn’t seem to work very well.
This form of scripture reading has been around since a Carthusian monk came up with it in the 12th century. It is part of the discipline of Benedictine life.
Amy Welborn sums up a blogosphere debate. Is a Catholic judge bound by his faith to rule against abortion rights or same-sex unions or what have you?
I say no. Are you surprised? It has to do with the prescribed roles of legislators and judges in the United States.
Simply put, legislators’ role is to make laws. Judges’ role is to interpret the laws given them by the legislature.
It is voluntary cooperation with evil to use one’s position as a legislator to vote for an evil law.
It is not, generally, voluntary cooperation with evil to write of an evil law, "It is compatible with the constitution," if that is the correct finding. Nor is it, generally, voluntary cooperation with evil to write of an evil action, "It is not against the law as it is written," if that is the correct finding. These are mere findings of fact. It is possible for an articulate judge to craft an opinion that drips with disgust and disdain for a law and points out all the things that are evil about it,while simultaneously upholding it as constitutional.
There may be a few very specific situations in which to rule correctly (from a legal standpoint) would constitute voluntary cooperation with evil. What kind of situation might this be? I suppose that obvious tyranny on the part of the whole government might be one. It would have to be a situation in which the judge, playing by the rules laid out for him, is incapable of any action that is not an inherently evil one. But in such specific situations, the judge (who is a free person, remember) has an option to recuse himself, perhaps in protest.
We foresee that most judges will need to recuse themselves for one reason or another at times; this does not preclude their competence to judge the majority of cases that come before them.
A note on legislators. Some people believe that a legislator is bound to vote according to the likely majority vote of the people she represents. By this argument, the legislator has to vote for an evil law if that is what the people want her to do, and is absolved from the evil because an authority higher than herself has commissioned it. This is faulty moral reasoning; no person may commit an evil act at the behest of his employer. No authority is legitimate at the moment it commands the commission of an evil act or cooperation with one.
Besides, American law has no tradition that binds a legislator in this way. The legislator’s mandate is to represent the people in all the acts of legislating, which includes not only the casting of votes but the careful consideration of how to vote.
On the other hand, the judiciary is bound tightly by a restrictive definition of its role, which is interpretation and reconciliation of existing law and existing precident. A judge does not really act, he analyzes and extracts truth. This cannot be an evil act, even if the truth extracted is unpleasant or if others use it to commit evil acts.

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